JUDITH, BOOK OF (יְהוּדִ֔ית, a Jewess; ̓Ιουδίθ, ̓Ιουδήθ). An apocryphal book bearing the name of its principal character. The name occurs in the Heb. Canon only in Genesis 26:34 as the wife of Esau.

1. Texts and versions. (a) Hebrew. Most scholars agree that the original text of Judith was written in Heb. Evidence for this is found in the many Hebraisms in language and ideas and from errors in tr. (see the material given by T. W. Davies, ISBE, III, p. 1780). Jerome claims that his Vul. tr. was made from a “Chaldee” VS and that the Jews included Judith among their Apoc. Origen, on the other hand, claims that the Jews did not use Judith and it was not even found in their Apoc.; this he learned from the Jews themselves (Letter to Africanus, 13). The older rabbinical lit. fails to make any reference to Judith. In spite of these negative arguments, the evidence for a Heb. original seems conclusive. The story exists in several forms in Heb. from later sources. An ostracon found in Cairo in 1946 and dated to the 3rd cent. a.d. contains 15:1-7. Which of the VSS—the Vul. or the LXX—most closely resembles the original is a matter of dispute.

(b) Greek. The Gr. text appears in four (most scholars list only three) recensions: (1) the uncials A, B, א; (2) Codd. 19, 108; (3) Codd. 58; and (4) Codd. 106, 107. (See Brockington, p. 48.)

(c) Syriac and Latin. There are two Syr. VSS and an Old Latin text, all of which are closely related to Codd. 58 in the Gr. text.

(d) Vulgate. Jerome asserts that he included in his Vul. tr. only what could be adequately supported by the “Chaldee” text. The Vul. omits some geographical details and concrete incidents which are found both in the LXX and the Old Latin. F. C. Porter (HDB, II, p. 822) argues that the deviations of the Vul. from the LXX are due mainly to this Chaldee VS. He believes this is made even more probable by the additional concrete details found in the Vul. but not in the other texts (see specifically 7:6, 7; 11:11; 14:1-12; 16:31). Porter cites a Heb. Midrash which summarizes chs. 1-5 briefly, but in chs. 7-14 it follows the Vul. so closely that it is certain there is a relationship between them. Both in omissions and additions, as well as in a number of lesser details, the Vul. and Midrash agree.

2. Date. The consensus of scholars is that the Book of Judith was written in the 2nd cent. b.c., prob. as a result of the Maccabean conflict. The persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes would provide a favorable background for this type of lit. Those who argue for this view point out the zeal for orthodox Judaism (a characteristic of the Maccabean period), the high priest is head of the state, Onias is named as high priest (prob. Onias III is meant), and the belief that the war in which they were engaged was a holy war. It is impossible to date the book from internal historical references. Nebuchadnezzar is said to be the king of the Assyrians in Nineveh, but Nineveh was destroyed in 612 b.c. A period of several years elapsed before Nebuchadnezzar was king in Babylon, and almost twenty years until the twelfth year of his reign. The Jews are described as having already returned from exile, an event which happened in Pers. times. Porter argues that the author lived in the 1st cent. b.c., but wrote of an event which took place three centuries earlier. Thus he could speak of a period of peace, a recent return from the Exile, and of no king in Judah. Nebuchadnezzar would be a reflection of Artaxerxes Ochus who made an expedition against Phoenicia and Egypt in 350 b.c. This king had generals by the name of Holofernes and Bagoas. Torrey suggests a post-Maccabean date of the first half of the last cent. b.c. He argues that the glorification of Shechem (Bethulia is identified as Shechem) is more likely after John Hyrcanus had destroyed the temple on Mount Gerizim (c. 120 b.c.) and had razed the city of Samaria (c. 109 b.c.).

3. Historicity. There are differences of opinion concerning the author’s historical reliability. Was he wholly ignorant of history so that he confused many outstanding events, or was he merely using his characters as symbols in a historical novel? Luther claimed the author was interested only in showing that Judah is preserved from any danger when it keeps the law. Others contend that present or recent history is disguised by the use of the names. Nebuchadnezzar has been identified with Antiochus IV Epiphanes or with Artaxerxes Ochus. R. Pfeiffer has reproduced a list of seventeen kings (first published by Brunengo) with whom Nebuchadnezzar has been identified. These range from Adadnirari III (810-783 b.c.) to Hadrian (a.d. 117-138). The book has too many chronological, historical and geographical errors to be taken literally.

4. Setting. Identification of the geographical names is difficult. Torrey forcefully argues for an identification of Bethulia with Shechem and Betomasthaim with Samaria. Davies suggests that Bethulia is a disguised form of Bēth ’Elōhĩm or Bēth ’Elō^ah, and simply means “the place where God is with His people.” He rejects Torrey’s identification. In Jerome’s Chaldee, Bethulia may have been intended as Jerusalem, but the LXX account describes it as a place in Northern Samaria near Dothan. The descriptions in the book favor the position that the author himself was a resident of Pal.

5. Purpose. Almost all scholars agree that the author was not trying to teach history. “It is evidently designed to entertain as well as to instruct,” says Torrey, “and it is well fitted to accomplish both purposes. The author’s chief interest, indeed, seems to have been in the story itself, rather than in any teaching to be gained from it.” A similar view is expressed by Brockington, but he places more emphasis on the purpose which is to “encourage adherence to faith in God even in the direst circumstances.” A more moderate view, and the one this writer supports, is that of Metzger, who states that the author “wished both to encourage his people in resisting their enemies and to inculcate a strict observance of the Law of God.” Goodspeed is of the opinion that the author was more concerned for the early Pharisaic ideals than for the history of the postexilic period. The religious views are certainly Pharisaic. These include the attitude toward the Temple, tithes, food laws, prayer, fasting, and ceremonial washing. In the religious sphere Judith resembles very much the Book of Tobit. In its concern for summoning the Jews to resistance at a time of national crisis, it compares favorably with Daniel, Esther and the books of the Maccabees.

6. Content. Nebuchadnezzar made war on Arphaxad who ruled over the Medes in Ecbatana. Nebuchadnezzar appealed to all his western subjects, those living in the area corresponding to modern Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt, but they refused to join him in the war. Angered by this rebuff, he vowed to avenge himself on this whole territory. In his seventeenth year he defeated Arphaxad, then returned to Nineveh and feasted for 120 days. The next year he put into effect his plan to destroy all those who had not obeyed his command. Holofernes, his chief general and second in command, was dispatched with 120,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry to carry out the king’s wish.

Holofernes led his army westward, covering a distance of about 300 m. in three days. The territory of Asia Minor and Syria was devastated. At Damascus he burned the fields, destroyed the flocks and executed all the young men. When news of this reached the seacoast cities of Sidon, Tyre, Jamnia, Azotus and Ascalon, the people surrendered unconditionally. Their religious shrines were demolished and they were instructed to worship only Nebuchadnezzar as god. Holofernes then moved to the edge of Esdraelon and spent a month gathering supplies for this vast army which now had been increased by troops from the neighboring countries.

The people of Israel began extensive preparations to defend themselves. Joakim, the high priest in Jerusalem, sent word to the people of Bethulia and Betomesthaim, two cities which faced Esdraelon, to hold the passes against the Assyrians so Judah would not be invaded.

Reports of Israel’s military activity reached Holofernes and angered him greatly. He summoned all the leaders of Moab, Ammon, and the coastal areas, to question them concerning this people who had defiantly refused to surrender. Achior, the Ammonite leader, related the history of the Jewish people to Holofernes. He concluded with the statement that if the Israelites sin against their God then they can be defeated easily, but if there is no transgression in the nation, then Holofernes might just as well go on by, because God will defend and protect them against all odds. This speech aroused the other leaders who had been listening and they suggested that Achior be put to death. When the clamor died down, Holofernes boasted that his forces would destroy Israel from the face of the earth. Achior was taken to the foot of the hill on which Bethulia was located. He was left bound, for Holofernes wanted him to die with the people of Israel. The men of Israel found Achior and brought him into the city.

The next day Holofernes ordered his troops into position against Bethulia. The force now numbered 170,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. On the third day, Holofernes took his cavalry out to survey the situation. They seized the springs of water, but made no further move against the city. Then the leaders of Edom, Moab and the coastlands advised Holofernes not to make a direct attack on the city because that would cause unnecessary loss of life. Rather, they suggested, he should seize the spring of water at the foot of the mountain and destroy the people by thirst and famine. Guards placed on the nearby hills would see to it that not a man got out of the city.

The plight of the Israelites worsened. After thirty-four days most of the water in the city was gone and a strict ration was in effect. The people assembled and pleaded with Uzziah and the other rulers to surrender to the Assyrians, for they concluded that there was no one to help them; God had sold them into the hands of their enemies. Uzziah appealed for a delay of five days. If God did not deliver them within that time, then they would surrender.

At this point the heroine Judith is introduced; a beautiful widow, rich, and the model of piety. For over three years, since her husband died of sunstroke, she had lived at home, dressed in sackcloth and garments of her widowhood. She fasted every day except on days when it was forbidden to fast. She sent for the elders of the city and criticized them for the stand they had taken. She was particularly distressed that they “put God to the test.” Such an act was unthinkable. Man can not understand his own mind or heart, how can he expect to search out God? She urged the people to look upon this experience as a test of them by God—to educate them, not punish them. Uzziah and the other rulers asked Judith to pray for them that God would send rain within the five days and fill their cisterns. Judith, however, had a plan of her own which she refused to reveal to the people or the rulers.

At the time when the evening incense was being offered in the Temple at Jerusalem, Judith prayed to God. She asked strength for herself that she might do what she had planned, and that by the deceit of her lips she might bring about the defeat of the Assyrians. Her prayer ended, she removed her sackcloth and widow’s garments, bathed with water, anointed herself with precious ointment, combed her hair, and put on her gayest clothes. She finished it off with jewelry—anklets, rings, earrings, bracelets and ornaments—to be as appealing as possible to the eyes of all men. She prepared food for herself and gave this to her maid to carry, then she went to the city gate. All those gathered there were struck by her beauty. She ordered that the gate be opened that she might go out and accomplish her task.

Judith and her maid went straight to the Assyrian lines. When she was taken into custody by an Assyrian patrol, she said she was fleeing from the Hebrews, because they were about to be handed over to the Assyrians. She had come to Holofernes to “show him a way” he could capture the whole hill country without the loss of one of his men. The soldiers were completely captivated by her words and physical beauty. They chose a hundred men to escort her to the tent of Holofernes. A huge crowd gathered around her as she waited outside the tent. The reaction to her beauty was a general concensus that all the Israelites should be killed to a man, for if they had women like this, they would be able to ensnare the whole world.

Judith was graciously received by Holofernes who assured her she had nothing to fear from him. Judith told him that the words of Achior were true. Now a sin had been committed by the people and they would soon provoke God to anger. When this happened the people would be handed over to the Assyrians to be destroyed. She claimed that God had revealed this to her and sent her to Holofernes to accomplish through him something that would astonish the whole world. Every night she would go out into the valley to pray. God would tell her when the people had committed their sin and she in turn would inform Holofernes.

Holofernes fell for her ruse. He invited her to dine with him. She refused to eat any of his food, but ate only of that which she had brought with her.

Judith slept until midnight. Then she arose and requested permission from Holofernes to be allowed to go out to pray. This procedure she followed for three days. On the fourth day, Holofernes held a private banquet to which he invited Judith. Judith seemed pleased with the invitation. Holofernes, overcome by the beauty of Judith and with his desire for her, drank much more wine than he had ever drunk before. When his slaves withdrew, Holofernes lay on his bed intoxicated. Alone with him, Judith seized the opportunity. She first prayed, then took his sword, took hold of his hair, prayed for strength, and hacked off his head with two blows of the sword. She pushed the body off the bed, pulled down the canopy from the bed, and calmly walked out and handed the head of Holofernes to her maid who placed it in her food bag.

Judith and her maid went out as they had done on previous nights, but this time they went to the city. When the elders had assembled, she showed them the head of Holofernes, indicated that her beauty had tricked him to destruction, but carefully noted that she had not committed any sinful act with him to accomplish her purpose. Judith gave orders that the head should be hung upon the wall, and at sunrise every man should go out of the city armed for battle. She predicted that the reaction of the Assyrians would be one of fear when they discovered the death of their general. She also requested that Achior be brought to see the head. At the first sight of the head he fainted, but when he recovered, he believed in God, was circumcised, and became a Jew.

At sunrise the events transpired as Judith predicted. The Assyrians were routed and their camp was plundered for thirty days. Joakim, the senate, and the people from Jerusalem came to see what God had done and to bless Judith. She was given the tent of Holofernes and all his furnishings. The women gathered to Judith and she led them in a dance. All the men of Israel followed, bearing their weapons, wearing garlands, and singing. Judith (as a personification of all Israel) sang a thanksgiving psalm.

All the people went to Jerusalem to celebrate. Judith dedicated to God all the vessels of Holofernes which the people had given to her and the canopy which she had taken from his bed. The feasting in Jerusalem lasted for three months. Judith returned to Bethulia. She had many suitors, but she remained a widow until her death at 105 years of age. She freed her maid and divided her property among her husband’s relatives and her own.

Bibliography F. C. Porter, “Judith, Book of,” HDB, II (1899), 822-824; A. E. Cowley, “The Book of Judith,” in R. H. Charles (ed.), The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, I (1913), 242-267; T. W. Davies, “Judith, Book of,” ISBE, III (1929), 1778-1780; E. J. Goodspeed, The Story of the Apocrypha (1939), 45-51; C. C. Torrey, The Apocryphal Literature (1945), 88-93; R. H. Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times with an Introduction to the Apocrypha (1949), 285-303; B. M. Metzger, An Introduction to the Apocrypha (1957), 43-53; L. H. Brockington, A Critical Introduction to the Apocrypha (1961), 40-48.